Sui Juris Churches IX: The Belarusian Greek Catholic Church

(on sui juris churches in general)

Liturgical Family: Byzantine

Primary Liturgical Languages: Church Slavonic and Belarusian

Juridical Status: Parishes organized into deaneries under the guidance of an apostolic visitor from Rome.

Approximate Population: A bit under 10,000.

Brief History: The Belarusian Greek Catholic Church, the third of the particular churches tracing themselves to the Ruthenian Unions, is the embers of a church. It is a tiny remnant of what was once a thriving community, one that had seemed to near the point of vanishing. But there is evidence that there is still a living fire locked away in those embers.

Belarusians (sometimes Belorussians) were the lion's share of the bishops and priests joining the Catholic Church at the Union of Brest in the 1590s; and although later unions brought in many Ukrainians and others, the united Ruthenian church was still primarily Belarusian. And it thrived; on the verge of the eighteenth century, four out of every five Belarusians were Greek Catholics. It would not last long.

At the Partition of Poland, Belarus passed into the hands of the Russian Empire, which, of course, was officially Russian Orthodox. A number of Byzantine Rite Catholics here and there broke communion with Rome in order to unite with the Russian Orthodox. After the November Uprising of 1830-1831, however, the Russian Empire began to crack down very hard on Byzantine Rite Catholics throughout its acquired territories, and the crack-down was especially fierce and effective in Belarus, where the power of the Catholic nobility was broken completely. In 1839 the bishops of the Catholic Church in Belarus held a synod became Orthodox, shifting over a million Catholics to the Russian Orthodox Church.

Nonetheless, a remarkable number of Belarusian Catholics continued to exist. A number of them fled to the Austrian Empire, which at that time had a policy of supporting Byzantine Rite Catholics. In Belarus itself, Catholicism went underground and began to be practiced in secret. In 1905, Catholicism became legal again. A couple hundred thousand Belarusians converted to Catholicism in a very short period. But even though Catholicism was legal, Byzantine Rite Catholicism was not, so the Belarusians who returned to the Catholic Church did so as Latin Rite, not Byzantine Rite, Catholics.

After the First World War, West Belarus became part of largely Catholic Poland; about thirty thousand Belarusians became Catholic, again in a very short time. In 1931 they were thriving well enough that Rome sent them an Apostolic Visitor to help them organize, and an exarch was appointed for Belarusian Greek Catholics in 1940. Things seemed to be building. It would not last long.

For in 1939 the Soviet Union began annexing West Belarus. The Apostolic Exarch appointed by Rome would be arrested and die in a concentration camp. The Soviets began to suppress all Byzantine Rite Catholicism. The Iron Curtain fell and little more than rumors about the status of Belarusian Greek Catholicism managed to get through it. It was generally assumed to be largely strangled to death.

In the Belarusian diaspora, however, little indicators of the continued existence of Byzantine Rite Belarusian Catholicism occasionally arose. There were only a few scattered communities, but led by people like Father Alexander Nadman, they were very active, forming schools, starting periodicals, translating liturgical texts. Interest in Belarusian Greek Catholicism always remained quite high among Belarusian emigrants, even those who were Latin Rite Catholics or even Orthodox, because a fair amount of their heritage, before the encroachment of Russia, had been Greek Catholic. Often interest is all it was, but it meant that there was room in the Belarusian diaspora for a considerable amount of activity on the part of Byzantine Rite Catholics, however small that community might be. The community outside Belarus began to thrive, and in 1960 an Apostolic Visitor was appointed for all Belarusian Greek Catholics outside of Belarus.

As conditions began to ease in the 1980s and Belarusian Greek Catholics abroad journeyed to Belarus to bring humanitarian aid of various kinds, they discovered, somewhat to their surprise that there were still Belarusian Greek Catholics in Belarus, not merely holdovers from before the Soviet domination, but small, definite pockets of sustained and sustainable Belarusian Greek Catholic communities passing down their traditions and heritage to their children. And, what is more, there was the same interest in Byzantine Rite Catholicism in Belarus itself, and for the same reasons, that there was in the diaspora. And in 1990, Belarusian Greek Catholic parishes again began to be formed.

It is difficult to say how things will go from here. Given the history of the church, one almost fears to hope too much. And there are certainly obstacles -- Belarusians are famously understated and quiet about religious matters, and most of the interest in Belarusian Greek Catholicism is historical and cultural, not religious. The legal situation has also been somewhat difficult. Religious organizations have to be legally registered, and the church itself has no legal status in Belarus -- it is technically headquartered in Rome and headed by a non-Belarusian bishop (its Apostolic Visitor). This has caused immense problems for people trying to establish monasteries and small religious communities, and in 2003 the head of a monastery was charged with illegally running an unregistered monastery, a problem that arose because there is no way to register it given the situation of the Belarusian Greek Catholic Church and the size of the community. Not even all parishes have been able to get legal recognition. And on the other side, it has no bishops of its own and Rome has been slow to assist the church in developing a more coherent form. But the interest is undeniably there, and the Belarusian Greek Catholic Church has slowly been growing.

Notable Monuments: Church of St Cyril of Turau and all the Patron Saints in London, also known as the Belarusian Memorial Chapel, a church built in traditional wooden-church style dedicated to the memory of victims of the Chernobyl disaster.

Notable Saints: Andrew Bobola (May 16); Euphrosyne of Polotsk (May 23); Josaphat Kuntsevych (November 25). There are also many martyrs under the Russian Empire, like the Thirteen Blessed Pratulin Martyrs, or the Communists, who may one day be raised to the general calendar. As a Byzantine Rite church, Belarusian Greek Catholics have a number of Orthodox saints on their calendars.

Extent of Official Jurisdiction: About twenty or so parishes in Belarus.

Online Sources and Resources:

http://www.catholic.by/2/en/

http://belarus8.tripod.com/ZapisyBINIM/unija.htm

One's Heart in One's Hands

On May 4, 1535, St. John Houghton, a Carthusian hermit, was hung and then quartered -- i.e., his body chopped up to be displayed -- at Tyburn, England. Required to take an oath in the wake of the Act of Succession, Houghton, who was prior of his community, had asked to be exempted, for which he had been imprisoned. However, after some difficult discussion, the community had concluded reluctantly that the oath could be taken, and Houghton was released. But when the Church of England broke ties with Rome through the Act of Supremacy, a new oath was required, and one that they could not in good conscience take, since doing so would be participating in schism. Houghton and several others again requested an exemption. They were arrested by Cromwell and put on trial for treason, and of course condemned to death.

Houghton was the first to die that day. According to the stories, he was not actually killed by the hanging, and so was still barely alive when they started taking out his heart. Houghton's death would be just the first of many over the next several years, so May 4 is a day for remembering all of the Martyrs of Tyburn.

In iconography Houghton is usually depicted as having a noose in one hand and his heart in another; sometimes he is giving his heart to Christ. He was beatified in 1886 and canonized in 1970.

Your Eyes Were Never Yet Let in to See

A Coronet for His Mistress, Philosophy
by George Chapman

Muses that sing Love's sensual empery,
And lovers kindling your enraged fires
At Cupid's bonfires burning in the eye,
Blown with the empty breath of vain desires,—
You that prefer the painted cabinet
Before the wealthy jewels it doth store ye,
That all your joys in dying figures set,
And stain the living substance of your glory;
Abjure those joys, abhor their memory,
And let my Love the honoured subject be
Of love, and honour's complete history;
Your eyes were never yet let in to see
The majesty and riches of the mind,
But dwell in darkness; for your god is blind.

Sui Juris Churches VIII: The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church

(on sui juris churches in general)

Liturgical Family: Byzantine

Primary Liturgical Languages: Church Slavonic and Ukrainian

Juridical Status: Major Archiepiscopal

Approximate Population: Somewhere between 5 and 10 million, about 4 or 5 million of which are in western Ukraine.

Brief History: The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, also on rare occasions known as the Kyivan Catholic Church, is the largest of all the Eastern Catholic particular churches, and it has been growing swiftly. It is very well organized, deeply entrenched, has extensive influence. For all that, it is not officially a patriarchal church; Rome has avoided actually recognizing it as having that status in order to avoid antagonizing the Orthodox.

The roots of the modern Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, so called to distinguish it from the Latin Catholic church in the region, are found in the Ruthenian Unions, especially the Union of Brest in 1595. The Ruthenian Church at that time was quite extensive, geographically and culturally. The fates of different populations went different ways. The Ukrainian Catholics became embroiled in the complicated political situation created by the decline of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which was cannibalized in the late eighteenth century by three nations, Russia, Austria, and Prussia. In the aftermath of several defeated Polish uprisings, some of which had had extensive support among Catholics in the Russian Partition of Poland, the Russian Empire began actively to suppress the Byzantine Rite Catholics in its territory. The suppression was extensive, systematic, and very effective.

As a measure of protection, the primary center of Byzantine Rite Catholicism in the region was shifted from Kiev, under Russian domination, to Lviv, which was in Austrian jurisdiction. The Austrian Empire under Maria Theresa actively supported the Byzantine Rite Catholic populations. It throve, and the populations in these areas were firmly loyal to the Austrian Empire. The collapse of that Empire would have devastating effects. It now found itself divided among several different nations, and not all of them were friendly any longer. There was active harassment, particularly in Poland, which saw the Greek Catholics in the area as untrustworthy. In addition, it lacked the resources for unity that it once had, and in 1916 Rome split the Ruthenian population according to linguistic lines, leading to the distinction between Ruthenian Catholics and Ukrainian Greek Catholics.

If the aftermath of World War I was a serious blow to the Ukrainian Greek Catholics, the aftermath of World War II would be even more devastating. Communist regimes began actively persecuting the church, transferring its property to the Russian Orthodox Church and driving it underground. The persecutions were very effective, but in many areas it was clear that there was still at least slow growth among the Ukrainian Greek Catholic population. The Communist regime would occasionally conduct purges of newly ordained priests or close down a convent or monastery operating in secret. From afar the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church was actively supported by Rome, but there was not much that could practically be done.

The Metropolitan Archbishop of Lviv, Josyf Slipyj, was arrested in 1945 and eventually sentenced to the Siberian Gulag. In 1963, he was finally set free due to the influence of John XXIII and John F. Kennedy; because of this, he was able to participate in the Second Vatican Council. From this time, the Ukrainians began petitioning Rome to recognize him as patriarch, but Paul VI declined and instead created the position of 'Major Archbishop'. During this period the headquarters of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church were in Rome, at the church of Santi Sergio e Bacco.

In 1989, through the influence of Gorbachev's liberalization reforms, the church was able to begin functioning in public, and Slipyj's successor was able to return to Lviv. It found that it was in something of a mess; it had nothing except the population of faithful Ukrainian Catholics. It began slowly to rebuild; the tensions between Catholics trying to get back Catholic property and Orthodox who had inherited it occasionally spilled over into violence. Since the independence of Ukraine in 1991, however, the church has flourished, and in 2004, the primary see of the church was moved from Lviv back to Kiev (Kyiv).

Notable Monuments: St. George Ukrainian Cathedral in Lviv; Santi Sergio e Bacco and Santa Sofia a Via Boccea in Rome.

Notable Saints: Josaphat Kuntsevych (November 25). The process for canonization of Venerable Andrey Sheptytsky is relatively advanced, so he may well be raised to the general calendar at some point. There are also many martyrs under Communist regimes, like Blessed Lojze Grozde, who may one day be raised to the general calendar. As a Byzantine Rite church, Ukrainian Greek Catholics have a number of Orthodox saints on their calendars.

Notable Religious Institutes: As with the Ruthenians Catholic Church, the Order of St. Basil has always had a major place in the religious life of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.

Extent of Official Jurisdiction: The Major Archeparchy of Kyiv–Halych, twelve archeparchies (mostly in Ukraine but also including archeparchies for Canada, the United States, and Brazil), and several other eparchies and exarchates scattered through the world. (Sphere of influence always extends beyond the official jurisdiction due to members of the church living outside of any official jurisdiction of the church.)

Online Sources and Resources:

http://news.ugcc.ua/en/

http://www.stsophiaukrainian.cc/

http://www.cnewa.org/

Age of Ultron

I went to see Avengers: Age of Ultron. A few scattered thoughts:

* The primary weakness is that it is overloaded; it is trying to do far more things than it can entirely do successfully. The first Avengers movie managed to work despite a weak story premise by keeping things relatively simple and streamlined -- there was a lot going on, spectacle-wise, but the actual plot and themes were straightforward. This movie does not stay streamlined. This is practically symbolized by the movie itself, which has a plethora of cameos.

* I don't know if it's just me, but the cinematography also seemed sloppier in this one -- there are big flashy spectacle scenes in which it is difficult to figure out exactly what's going on.

* The reason I think it doesn't fail, and manages to make a sequel almost as good as the first Avengers movie, is that almost all of its story premises are better than the story premise of the first one. There's more than one, and one is occasionally left feeling that a good thread in the movie would have been much better if it had been its own movie. But the way in which they are integrated is at least watchable.

* The scene with all of them just hanging out after the party (which comes somewhere in the middle of the movie) is even better than the trailer suggests. Of course, part of the joke (which they put in the trailer) was that Captain America is one of the very small handful of people in the comics who actually is 'worthy to wield the power of Thor'; he has wielded Mjolnir more than once. But it works even better with more context.

Radio Greats: Butch Minds the Baby (The Damon Runyon Theatre)

Damon Runyon was one of the great short story writers of the twentieth century. His stories are humorous tales of the Broadway area of New York, and are all about gangsters and men of less than entirely reputable character, murderers and thieves and the like, who are nonetheless highly articulate and very courteous murderers and thieves. Runyon is most famous for the fact that the musical Guys and Dolls is based on his work, but he was much more widely known, and there was an entire radio series devoted to his tales, The Damon Runyon Theatre, one of the comic crown jewels of the Golden Age of Radio. (The radio series was also converted to a TV series, a medium somewhat less suitable to it, although the TV series did quite well.)

The short stories are always told from the viewpoint of an anonymous narrator who seems to know everybody and be known by everyone despite always only being a bystander; in the radio series, he is given a name, and, indeed, the only suitable one: Broadway. The language, which is one of the great things about a Runyon short story, is a mix of extraordinarily formal and very slangy. Almost everything is told in present tense, and there are no contractions. So we get curiously musical passages like the following, from a story called "Tight Shoes":

He is a very big guy with several chins and very funny feet, which is why he is called Feet. These feet are extra large feet, even for a big guy, and Dave the Dude says Feet wears violin cases for shoes. Of course this is not true, because Feet cannot get either of his feet into a violin case, unless it is a case for a very large violin, such as a cello.

It's a kind of comic poetry. And with the right voice, it works wonderfully on the radio. And John Brown, a great comic radio actor, delivers Broadway's narrative lines almost perfectly in a Lower East Side accent that manages to sound completely practical even while saying the most absurd things.

Every episode is good, so it's hard to pick one. After some back-and-forth, I decided on "Butch Minds the Baby", in which a bunch of thieves (and Broadway, who tries unsuccessfully to wiggle out of involvement at every turn) run into some complications due to the fact that their safecracker, Big Butch, doesn't have a babysitter for his son, John Aloysius Ignatius, Jr. Big Butch has to mind the baby or his wife will put the blast on him....

You can listen to "Butch Minds the Baby" (Episode 9) at the Internet Archive, as well as all the other episodes.

Little by Little

Love requires a decree of the will; but when the will has decreed, love does not reach perfection all at once. It requires time. It kindles little by little, until, by continued fanning, it bursts at last into a flame. So with the love of virtue and happiness wholly divested of their accidental surroundings. First, a thoroughly purified knowledge of their nature must be fixed in the mind, and this takes a very long time. Then there must come the volition, strong and determined, and this also is a thing that cannot be withdrawn from the laws of time. Only after this, that is to say, after very protracted and oft-repeated acts and efforts, can the love of pure virtue and happiness rise to that height of fortitude which gives it strength to overcome all the allurements of sensible things. Such at least is the ordinary course which love pursues, if not in each individual, certainly in humanity at large. A long time, therefore, must have elapsed before it could run through all this course, and so reach perfection in the end.

Rosmini, Theodicy, Volume 1, pp. 327-328.

This is part of Rosmini's account of moral progress. Any human being in any state of human civilization can devote themselves to virtue, but love presupposes knowledge, and so the ability to love virtue as such, rather than in this or that particular form, requires that virtue's essential features have already been distinguished out and conceptualized. Thus people in crude societies can be virtuous and pursue virtue, but they have difficulty distinguishing between virtue itself and this or that particular form in which the virtue happens to express itself in their society. Thus, for instance, moral happiness tends to be thought of in terms of material happiness -- but also vice versa -- and virtue tends to be thought of as requiring a particular customary shape.

A good context for thinking about this, to use a different kind of example from those which Rosmini uses, might be Beowulf. In Beowulf, justice is depicted entirely in material terms: the just king is one who bravely and generously gains wealth for his people. It is not a materialistic conception, because it is genuinely about justice rather than the actual wealth, but the just acts are understood only in this particular form of gathering wealth and distributing it for the good of everyone. The audience for Beowulf would have had difficulty grasping the notion of a king who did not do this in particular and yet was somehow still just, not because they did not know what justice was (they could recognize it in this case), but because they could not fully abstract justice as such from this particular just thing to which they were accustomed, and so tended to treat the general and particular as equivalent.

Once society's development has reached a point that people can recognize the essential features of virtue and distinguish them from the accidental features it has in concrete particular expressions, they can pursue virtue itself and purely for its own sake. (But they also run the opposite danger of overspiritualizing this pursuit and treating it as if virtue could actually be pursued without regard for the features it has in concrete particular expressions. Thus Rosmini says that primitive societies tend to err in moral matters by not making enough distinctions, while modern societies tend to err in moral matters by making too many.) Thus Rosmini insists that human ethics by its nature requires refinement, and this refinement can be quite difficult and take a very long time. A jillion years ago in primitive circumstances, human beings could be just and act justly; but only much experience in these just acts (and, as it happens, much experience of people acting unjustly) could help them be clear about what actually is necessary for just acts in general to be just.

(All of this is complicated a bit by the fact that moral progress is not inevitable, at least not by human means alone; we can degenerate as well as develop, and particular societies themselves can go through cycles of progress and decline. Relatedly, it is complicated by the fact that each generation needs actively build on the discoveries of their predecessors in order to progress at all, so each generation must usually, although with previously discovered shortcuts and the help of more experienced prior generations, learn it all over again. We can all recognize justice and injustice to some extent, but our reasoning depends in great measure on our vocabulary for talking about them, which means that we must be taught the language, or else discover it the long and hard way ourselves.)

Rosmini has an interesting follow-up argument to this. How, if they are not fully conceptualizing justice in its proper form, do people actually practice justice? Rosmini's answer is that this happens through sacrificial systems, in which symbolic exchanges yield representations that can be used in moral reasoning, and through the family, which serves as the primitive community in which we develop and which can then serve as a basis for analogy to broader concerns. Thus our various basic pieties, whether religious or filial, serve as initial templates for virtue generally, something that can start us off and be refined, and he takes it to be the case that this is in fact what providential history shows.